March 2025
Participants of Anarchy Today project have spoken with two comrades from Guerre Social (Vanya and Mikun), France. We were interested to know about the political situation in France and the struggle of French anarchists and we answered their questions about BUR. While they are thinking at our questions we publish our reply to theirs.
If you want to introduce yourself – if not it’s good for us
A few words about us. A2day is a very small collective. We are making this site together but at the same time each of us is involved in anarchist struggle at the place where they are at the moment. There is an agreement that we work at this site anonymously, no one can state that he or she is an editor.
First of all, what can you tell us about the social and political situations of the three former soviet countries sometimes known as “BUR”? if you feel at your ease talking about the three – if not, we will change the question, reducing it to the countries you know By the way, do you think that it is useful to talk of BUR as something who has quite a kind of unity?
Each of us has been active in all three countries and we can say that the BUR territory, despite all the differences, has a lot in common. It is very important that it was possible to travel between our countries without a visa, the anarchists of the BUR countries were in close contact with each other (since the late 80s of the XX century), traveled to each other for actions, as well as to gatherings and sports tournaments. To make you understand, the definition of our region as BUR is a kind of play on words, because a BUR in the penal colonies is a high-security barrack, in other words, a prison in a prison. Our BUR is a prison in Europe. The Soviet legacy, including the political traditions of the totalitarian regime, has left a strong imprint on the societies of these countries.
At the same time, Belarus remained the most ‘Soviet’, while in Ukraine it was easier to hide and conduct illegal activities. Wild capitalism reigned there, the police willingly took bribes, it was easy to buy weapons, and not a single politically imprisoned anarchist has been there since the early 2000s and is not there now. True, it is worth adding that in 2018 the famous Belarusan anarchist Aleksandr Frantskevich was deported from Ukraine and is now serving a huge term in Belarus . In 2021, the authorities tried to deport anarchist Aleksei Bolenkov from Ukraine, but he won his court case with the help of human rights groups and media hype.
Which are the lasting links between these three countries, more than 30 years after the end of the USSR nightmare? In fact, the paths taken by these three countries seem, from Western Europe, quite different. Even before 2022, Russia was a very big country, but with a rapidly de-industrializing economy, resettling on the exploitation of natural resources, with a more and more authoritarian government. Ukraine was a kind of a “new” country, with a wavering democracy, seeming, after Maïdan, to have chosen the way west. Belarus seems to be a steadfast, popular-republic-like dictatorship, even if the protestations of 2020-2021 tried to challenge this.
Most families have relatives in the other BUR country, the Russian language is well known in all three countries, and it is not difficult for a native speaker of Russian to learn to understand Belarusian and Ukrainian. Up to the beginning of the war many Ukrainians and Belarusians went to Russia for work, Belarusians still do. Capital (both state and oligarchic) also moved freely. And even now the trade turnover between the countries continues! We listened to the same musical groups, watched films. The President of Ukraine, a professional comic actor, starred in Russian films and shows. In fact, there are many more connections and imperceptible threads than it may seem at first glance. The roots go back to the USSR, after the collapse of which people found themselves on different sides of the border. For example, many politicians and law enforcers from Belarus and Ukraine graduated from universities in Russia and have ties with Moscow. They, like Lukashenko, Putin or Yanukovych, are bearers of Soviet values. This is one of the reasons for the protests in these countries – the desire to break free from the shackles of Moscow and the Soviet legacy. The new generation, although growing up in a different environment, still had similar cultural codes for the BUR.
Yes, Ukraine tried to break away from the ‘Russian world’ and get closer to Europe, but did not take into account the fact that 1) there were many supporters of the Russian Federation inside the country, which helped Russia to unleash a war and seize part of Ukrainian territories (even now there is a pro-Russian segment of society in Ukraine) 2) Russia is an empire and will never give away what it considers its own. Belarus has been on the road of russification and rapprochement with the Kremlin for the last 30 years. Many Belarusians for a long time imagined themselves and their country as a part of Russia, with which, by the way, there are still no state borders (like within the EU), before the war there were none with Ukraine. Also important for the older generation was the post-Soviet narrative of a triune nation ‘Russians-Ukrainians-Belarusians’, which is actively supported by the authorities and pro-governmental historians of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation, as well as some Ukrainian parties. The events of 2013-2014, 2020 and 2024 accelerated changes in this paradigm.
After 2022 and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the situation seems even more polarized – but it could also be clearer. How the war has changed the situation among the populations, in the three countries?
This is a rather complex question, which is difficult to answer briefly. We can say that the date 24 02 2024 has reformatted life in the region.
Ukraine. Millions of Ukrainians have been forced to leave the country, hundreds of thousands have been killed, maimed, deprived of their homes, thousands are in Russian captivity and under occupation. Those who are left behind live with the constant consciousness that at any moment there will be an air alert and they could be killed by Russian missiles. Men are not just drafted into the army, the Army enrollment agents are grabbing people from the streets and workplaces and sending them to slaughter. The economy is in a deplorable state, constant price increases, anti-social reforms, with corruption at an unprecedented level – the army is saturated with it (and this in a time of war!). What is interesting is that officially Ukraine is not in a state of war, but only in martial law. Although from all sides politicians and media are shouting about war. This is a policy of double standards or, in simple words, hypocrisy. Power is practically usurped by V. Zelensky and his entourage. Zelensky and his entourage, who do not count with anyone. The Ukrainian state is doing everything to make the public hate it even more. And people are really tired of the war and incurable corruption, especially looking at the children of oligarchs and power-holders holidaying in Swiss resorts or driving around Kiev in Lexuses. And this at a time when the whole world is raising money for the Ukrainian armed forces. In addition, the issue of nationalism has become acute. War always fuels chauvinistic moods and Ukraine is not an exception.
Hatred of everything Russian/Soviet (often also of everything Belarusian) not only at the everyday level of ordinary people (let us emphasise that many Ukrainians have abruptly switched to the Ukrainian language), but also at the level of state policy, including historical policy, only entrenches nationalism. Instead of carrying out social reforms, the state diverts the attention of Ukrainians to ‘hurrah-patriotism’ and other secondary things. At this time, economic and social guarantees are much more important than the forced use of the Ukrainian language and the demolition of monuments to Pushkin. It is worth remembering that many Ukrainian fighters have no problems with the Russian language at the front, unlike those in the relatively quiet rear, and especially abroad. The rise of right-wing radical ideas, millions of maimed destinies, mental war trauma, growing economic dependence on the West, the country’s ecological catastrophe – Ukraine will take decades to recover from its demographic, economic and political crisis after the war. But indeed, the war has widened the gulf between the Russian (and Belarusian) and Ukrainian people. This trauma will not be easy to heal for the next generations.
Russia. The economy and propaganda are war-oriented. ‘Everything for the front! Everything for victory!’ (as in Soviet times). But economically Russia is still strong, regardless of sanctions. Tens of thousands of emigrants, thousands of criminal cases for anti-war protests (both radical and peaceful). A fractured society. Lots of criminals in the war who regularly commit murder, robbery and violence after returning. The state forgives them. Those who were in the war are allowed everything – their sins are atoned for by blood. These are not isolated cases, but a constant process. The same growth of chauvinism and hatred of everything ‘Western’ and Ukrainian, up to the yellow and blue colour. The war has led to a renaissance of far-right violence on the streets. Denunciations of people, as in Stalinist times, have become common practice. People are instilled with the feeling that there is a constant war between the good ‘Russian world’ and the rotten West. Unfortunately, a large part of society professes imperialism and believes in Russia’s mission as a guarantor of stability in the world. To make it clear – we realise and do not deny the perniciousness of Western imperialism, but it should be understood that the BUR has been in the shackles of Russian imperialism for centuries. And it is not only and not so much Putin. It is a problem of the whole society, deeper and rooted not only in politics, but also in history, culture and religion.
Belarus. Russia’s ally and vassal. Violent repressions there began back in 2020, during the failed Belarusan revolution. Up to one million people were forced to leave the country. The Belarusian diaspora has been successfully engaged in cultural development and business crisis for the last 60 years. In a country with approx. 9 million inhabitants – of which about 1,500 political prisoners – is experiencing the biggest demographic crisis in the last 60 years.
There is a complete absence of freedom of speech and assembly, no independent media, NGOs, trade unions. Repressions continue both for politics and for ordinary anti-war statements or support for Ukraine, for comments and posts on the Internet. Lukashenko, who has been ruling for almost 31 years, has built a reputation in the BUR as a ruler who has tackled corruption, organised crime and made Belarus a clean and prosperous country with free medicine and education. Many people in the post-Soviet space believed in this image, which does not correspond to reality. Until February 2024, Ukrainians, who, by the way, had little interest in the internal political situation in Belarus, also believed in it. Fortunately, the war opened their eyes to many things. There is practically unlimited power of law enforcers in the country. Everywhere (even in schools and kindergartens) there is propaganda of ‘peaceful Belarus’ and criticism of Ukraine and the West, which allegedly unleashed the war. Belarusians are not against Ukraine and do not want to go to war, but society is also split. The war has aggravated the economic situation, but Russia feeds with loans and markets for goods. The aged dictator tries to wag and humour, but, most likely, he understands that after his death the country can undergo big changes. We see two scenarios: Minsk under pressure from the Kremlin becomes even more subordinate to Russia, losing the remnants of its independence, or there are protests, change of power, lustration and rapprochement with the West. The second option is closer to us, as there will undoubtedly be opportunities for anarchists: reclaiming autonomous territories, promoting the ideas of self-organisation, direct democracy and the libertarian agenda in general.
And about the anarchist movement(s)? How would you describe the anarchist movements in the three countries, before the full-scale invasion? Which were the links between comrades from the three countries? If you should find some aspects that differentiate anarchist movement(s) in the BUR from the western ones, what would you point out?
Another question on which a book could be written. In none of BUR states described has anarchism played an important socio-political role in the 21st century as it did several times in the 20th century. The development of the anarchist movement in the BUR was hindered by, among other things, the Soviet legacy. The left was associated with communist parties, which were perceived as ideologically bankrupt by the societies of these countries. To this day (mostly right-wing) anarchists are labelled as ‘leftists’, ‘reds’ and ‘communists’, i.e. heirs of totalitarianism. In addition, we would emphasise the following points:
1. lack of mass movement, of powerful and permanent, not situational, contacts with society (protest movements, workers, students, etc.). If there is a social conflict somewhere, anarchists come to support the protesters, but they very rarely manage to be proactive and offer their agenda to people.
2. Breakdown of traditions and lack of continuity between neophytes and more experienced veterans of the movement. Each new generation repeats old mistakes.
3. Although a more rigid political system breeds more radical resistance, the insurgency in the BUR has so far been social (support for protest movements rather than individual acts of neo-nihilist terror) and relatively ‘humanitarian’ in nature. There have been no attempts by anarchists on the lives of politicians, oligarchs, right-wing radicals, or security forces. Life is a huge value for us. It doesn’t mean that it will continue like this – things can change radically in critical situations.
4. BUR does not have a tradition of a strong trade union movement like in the West or even in neighbouring Poland.
5. The countercultural threshold (subcultures, lifestyle anarchy, etc.) has been crossed relatively recently (by the end of the 2000s) and not completely and not by all.
6. Always in the bandwagon of Western anarchism. Borrowing fashionable and ‘modern’ ideas, lack of theoretical basis, restricted access to the works of Western theorists.
7. Internal conflicts (personal and ideological) in the movement in each country.
The links and contacts between anarchists in the BUR were insufficient to present a united front against Russian imperialism and military aggression against Ukraine. A part of Russian anarchists did not understand the Belarusian and Ukrainian agenda, was and is either drugged by imperial (NATO is evil, Ukraine wants to join NATO, so it is also bad) and red ideas (the West is bad, LDNR against the Ukrooligarchs and for the workers, Russian anti-fascism against the Banderites, etc.) or by ‘pure revolutionary ideas’ (the West is bad, LDNR against the Ukrooligarchs and for the workers, Russian anti-fascism against the Banderites, etc.). ), or ‘pure revolutionary internationalism’ (Russia=Ukraine, in both countries capitalism and oligarchs oppress the proletariat, so we don’t support anyone). The result is a split in the movement and its marginalisation. It should be emphasised that the ‘revolution of dignity’ in Ukraine already marked a split in the movement and exposed the contradictions associated with the vision and understanding of the theory, practice and tactics of anarchism. The full-scale war continued this trend.
If we talk about the last 15 years, we should note a few points. There were quite close contacts of participants of insurgent anarchism in the BUR. A strong blow was dealt to the movement during the ‘Network’ case and after the events in Belarus in 2020. For obvious reasons, we cannot give more details.
Belarus. There were joint anarcho-projects of comrades in the Russian Federation, in which people from Belarus participated, for example, the publishing co-operative Radical Theory and Practice . There were many personal connections and contacts. For example, Belarusian anarcho-partisans Igor Olinevich and Dzmitry Dubouski, who are serving 20-year sentences in Belarus, were hiding from persecution by Belarus authorities in Russia in 2010. Revolutionary Action (until April 2010 – Autonomous Action – Belarus) had its autonomous structures in Ukraine. Training camps organised by the RCAS attracted anarchists and anarchists from the BUR. Anarchists from the BUR participated in the Euromaidan. Individual Russian anarchists took part in the Netunyadts protests in 2017 and in the Belarussian uprising in 2020. As a curiosity, we can note that in Ukraine there was a political party (!) the Union of Anarchists of Ukraine . But let us stress that this very specific organisation has always stood apart in the Ukrainian anarchist movement. Friendships and similar political agenda influenced the regular solidarity actions in each of these countries. It is also worth mentioning the close ties between anti-fascists and near-anarchist subcultures. This is to put it briefly.
From my point of view, the two special episodes that could mark this generation of anarchist comrades are the 2020-2021 Belarusian uprising and, of course, the resistance against Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Do you agree? How would you describe anarchist involvement in the Belarusian uprising of 2020-2021?
Still, it seems to us that the first landmark event was Euromaidan (not counting the revolts in Greece in 2008 or the actions in Khimki in 2010). It was then that anarchists from the BUR had the opportunity to participate directly in the revolution. And libertarians made such an attempt. Even though it was not possible to create a militant anarchist Black Hundred in Kiev, the fact that anarchists participated in the revolution together with Ukrainian society remains a fact. This was a great experience, which influenced not only the development of insurgency in the BUR, but also raised serious theoretical and tactical questions for the movement.
As for the uprising in Belarus in 2020, it was certainly an important event, first of all, for the Belarusian anarchist movement. A kind of rehearsal was the noticeable participation of Belarusian anarchists in the mass protests of ‘non-parasites’ in 2017. These were protests against the introduction of taxes on the unemployed (the so-called law against social parasites). Especially in Brest and Minsk .
On the eve of the elections, anarchists had no illusions that Lukashenko would not give up power and would suppress the protests harshly. Therefore, the political opposition with its agenda of peaceful change of power and non-violent protests was not trusted either. If everything had been so simple, there would have been no need for an uprising, which people decided to do on their own, without any influence of anarchists. Barricades and violent confrontations with riot police in various cities were held spontaneously. And this is fine. Although it should be noted that it was at the suggestion of anarchists that people learned and started to actively practice ‘interlocking’ , as well as the fact that anarchists wrote about decentralisation and dispersal of protests in the run-up to the elections, criticising the concept of ‘Ploshchy’ (a mass gathering of protesters in the centre of Minsk led by opposition leaders).
It goes without saying that libertarians openly participated in the demonstrations and marches; it would be foolish to stand aside when society takes to the streets and asserts its subjectivity. Anarchists tried to join the student movement, a small number of anarcho-feminists spoke with a libertarian agenda, and anarchists were particularly visible in their participation in the ‘courtyard movement’. This grassroots initiative, under the slogan ‘All power to the yards!’ was an example of a unique self-organisation of Belarusan society, based on direct democracy. There were attempts to print leaflets addressed to the workers, to organise performances. In a word, the anarchists became a noticeable force in the protests, but were unable to influence the course of events. The reasons for this were their small numbers, the gradual decline of protest enthusiasm in society, and increasing repression.
Insurgency. Before 2020, direct actions had already taken place in Belarus; molotov cocktails were thrown at the Russian embassy, banks, casinos, and state institutions, such as state institutions, such as the pre-trial detention centre or the tax office. But the most striking episode was the raid of anarcho-guerrillas (Dmitrij Dubouski, Dmitrij Rezanowicz, Ihar Alinevich i Sierhei Ramanau), who, living for about a month in the forests of Polesie, carried out several attacks on buildings and cars belonging to the security forces.
We would like to single out anti-repercussion activities, which for the Belarusian democractic segment became mainstream after 2020 (i.e. Black Book , Punishers of Belarus (Telegram channel karatelibelarusi). Already in 2017. Revolutionary Action group created the website ‘Luka’s Gang’, where they collected information and personal data on law enforcers, judges, propagandists. This theme was further developed in his blog by journalist Mikola Dedok. By the way, on the wave of protests, the number of his subscribers increased to ca. 15 thousand, which is quite a significant number for Belarus. Mikola is a well-known Belarusian anarchist, former political prisoner (2010-2015), and author of prison memoirs. In particular, he sharply criticised the penetration system and law enforcers, the system of tracking by cameras… Ironically, it was cameras and facial recognition that tracked him down. Mikola made a mistake in conspiracy, meeting with acquaintances. He was brutally detained and tortured. Now he is serving time in Hrodna prison.
Assistance to political prisoners. First of all the ABC, which had been operating for 10 years, in. In connection with the arrests of comrades, beginning in 2020 and up to the present day, they had a lot of work to do. On the wave of protests and repressions, the anonymous organisation, which had been created by the Soviet Union, expanded its activities. In connection with the arrests of comrades from 2020 onwards, they have had a lot of work to do. In the wake of protests and repressions, the initiative Dissident.bay , created by anarchists in 2019, which, unlike the ACP, deals with all political prisoners, has expanded its activities. One can have different attitudes towards legal human rights organisations, but some of them, especially in the authoritarian regime of RB, are doing great and necessary work. Their experience and help are invaluable. Some anarchists, now in prison (Marfa Rabkova, Andrei Chepyuk) cooperated with the main Belarusian human rights centre ‘Viasna’ . The leader of ‘Viasna’ Ales Bialiatski, Nobel laureate in the field of peace building, is also imprisoned.
The anarchists had no ties with the workers, most of whom lacked revolutionary or at least political consciousness and had a passive mood.
For the first time in the modern history of Belarus, the anarchists put forward two political programmes for the time of the revolution (from the Pramen group and from I. Olinevich and his comrades ). Of course, these were only proposals for the time of the uprising, which would have to be thoroughly finalised, but still, as we think, it was an important step for the movement.
Lacking sufficient human and material resources, the anarchists failed to create a mass revolutionary movement in the country.
Could you give us a detailed overview of the current anarchist presence in the three countries? After the harsh repression that followed 2020-2021 uprising, is the Belarusian anarchist movement still alive inside the country? Some weeks ago, Lukashenko has been elected another time… seemingly without protests. Is resistance inside Belarus still possible? In Russia: the opposition to this war and to Putin’s dictatorship brings
plenty of people in jail. But we can also read about acts of resistance. Could you talk about this?
Before attacking Ukraine, Putin’s regime tried to deal with the opposition and with anarchists inside the country. By that time, many anarchists had taken the path of illegalism and were preparing for armed confrontation. The so-called Network case and later the Tyumen case became a serious blow to the anarchist movement. In both cases, groups of comrades were arrested, tortured, and under torture they testified. There are many dark moments in the Network case and still many unanswered questions, but one of the few pieces of good news about the movement is that one of the defendants in the case, Viktor Filinkov, was recently released. He was immediately deported to Kazakhstan because he did not have Russian citizenship.)
A tragic moment for the movement was the death of young Mikhail Zhlobitsky, who tried to bomb the FSB reception centre in Arkhangelsk in 2018.
It can be said that there is no powerful or even organised anarchist movement in the Russian Federation. There are individual anarchists and collectives, but their work is mostly legal or semi-legal. For example, books are published, there are news resources, there is support for imprisoned comrades, sometimes solidarity evenings and concerts are organised. Some of the anarchists who remained in the country are involved in environmental activities. But a lot of them had to leave the country. Some are in prison.
The anarchist mathematician Azat Miftakhov has been in prison for many years. However, a young generation of anti-fascists is growing up, but they regularly fall under the flywheel of repression. At the beginning of the full-scale war there were radical sabotage actions on the railway from the group BOAK (Combat Organisation of Anarcho-Communists), but now, apparently, they also lack human resources. The repressions do not stop, new criminal cases are being opened. One of the most resonant is the case of Ruslan Sidiki, an anarcho-partisan who faces life imprisonment for sabotage on the railway .
Belarus movement is shattered and paralysed. About 30 comrades are in prisons – all of them recognised political prisoners. They were not only brutally detained (for example, Aliaksandr Frantskevich and Akihiro Gajewski-Hanada were detained by about 20 law enforcers) and tortured, but also held show trials, supplemented by propaganda reports in the press and on TV. There is constant pressure on relatives and friends of political prisoners. Recently the trial against A. Frantskevich’s mother started. Unfortunately, over the last few years several people in Belarus who were connected with the movement to different degrees have died. The overwhelming majority of Belarus anarchists are in forced emigration, where they continue to be active. Mostly in Poland and some other EU countries. Of course, there are still people in the country who sympathise with the movement. People who have not been detained before and are unknown to the law enforcers. We think they are ready to take action, not now, but during the potential revival.
Whether the death of a dictator or something else could be the trigger for such upheavals is difficult for us to speculate. For now, they are trying to stay in the shadows. What they can do today is to help the political prisoners, materially and informationally, to develop themselves physically and spiritually, gradually preparing themselves for the next stage of the struggle, which will undoubtedly come. There is also a little hope for the new younger generation. For example, the latest episode of anarchist activism was the case of the previously unknown young anarchists (16 to 19 years old) from the Black Nightingales group. They were detained in March 2024 and accused of ‘co-operation with the SBU’, ‘preparation of terrorist acts’, and ‘production of explosives’. Judging by the propaganda film, at least two of the group seem to be convinced anarchists. In the last 2-3 years some radical acts of sabotage have also taken place in Belarus (anarchist Nikita Emelyanov is still serving a long sentence in the case of arson of pre-trial detention centre-1 in Minsk), but at the moment any resistance is very dangerous and leads to long terms of imprisonment, as repressions and trials do not stop even for a day, and to carry out an action one has to prepare for it in a long and secret way. Three years of full-scale war were marked by several anti-war guerrilla actions of non-anarchists. Most of them were detained and sentenced to huge terms. As for mass protests, this is a future prospect.
And about Ukraine. The international debate about what Ukrainian comrades should do – if they should defend the country from the invasion or not – shakes Western leftists (and anarchists too)… What about the opinions of comrades from Ukraine (and Russia, and Belarus)? Well, jokes
apart, I (V.) completely agree with comrades that have chosen to resist the invasion, both fighting in the state’s army and with civilian volunteer activities. Could you talk about this? And about “anti-war movement” in Ukraine? There is much talk, among Western leftists, about desertion from the Ukrainian army. What can you say about this? Western “Z-anarchists” also talk a lot about two anarcho-syndicalist groups, “Assembly” from Kharkiv and Vadim Damier’s “KRAS”, from somewhere in Russia. Clearly because these two groups prone a “classical” position like “not war but class war” – what do you think about them?
Vadim Damier is an academic historian, author of excellent books on the history of anarchism, KRAS is a group of several intellectuals around him, such as Dmitry Rublev, also a strong historian of anarchism, but they have no connection with trade unions, the labour movement or any movement at all, they are mentally in a bygone era. Note that they have a network of extensive trade union and activist connections in Europe, they speak the languages and are adept at spreading their agenda among sympathetic groups in the EU. Anatoliy Dubovik, a veteran of the anarchist movement in Ukraine and an anarchist historian, has called this position ‘anarcho-Putinism’. Perhaps we don’t know something, but it is unlikely that the KRAS members are standing under the barracks of Russian soldiers and agitating them by handing out leaflets. Nor do we deeply doubt that the KRAS members stand daily near the passageways of factories, communicating with the proletariat, which they praise in their statements. It’s all desk warfare and internet sham. We would be very happy to be wrong and find out that they are clandestinely helping dozens or hundreds of Russian soldiers to defect. But we haven’t heard of anything like that. While they are in the Russian Federation in their legal government jobs writing scientific texts and fighting for the ‘purity of real anarchism’, the war continues. They not only call us ‘trench anarchists’, ‘former’, ‘traitors’, ‘anarcho-militarists’, etc., but, unfortunately, they also blackmail those who are in favour of armed resistance to Putin’s aggression and assistance to our Ukrainian comrades. To be fair, we note that on the other side there are also frequent cases of undignified behaviour and aggression towards opponents.
And it is not surprising that sometimes the Ukrainian comrades’ emotions take over – they are in the crossfire: the military aggression of the Russian Federation and the forced mobilisation of the Ukrainian authorities are complemented by the short-sightedness and misunderstanding of comrades from the movement.
As anarchists, we cannot accept that the state decides for you, depriving you of your freedom and life. Therefore, we fully support the right of people to desert. On the other hand, it is desirable that desertion develops among the Russian army. We know the fact that the number of deserters since February 2022 in Ukraine has been steadily increasing, more than 100 thousand criminal cases for desertion have been opened, and more than half a million Ukrainians are on the police wanted list for evading mobilisation. But if this trend continues only in Ukraine, a full occupation of the country is a matter of time.
No theorists have the right to impose some mythical ideological purity on anarchists. An anarchist has every right to self-defence and resistance. Therefore, we fully support in word and deed the anarchists who have decided to join the AFU. We consider it unacceptable to stand aside under the guise of ‘anti-militarism’. To have weight as a socio-political force, anarchists must be with the people.
The Kharkiv Assembly is a really active group, although, as far as we know, there are only a few people, they participate in the volunteer movement, help civilians in Ukraine, participate in social conflicts. Unlike the KRAS, they have a greater right to speak about the war. We do not share their point of view on the war, but we treat it with respect.
– A lot of comrades from the BUR are living abroad. How it is, living in exile? How are the links with local anarchists? (are there comrades of you in France? I will be glad to meet them! V.)
BUR anarchists are scattered all over the world. Mostly anarchists from the BUR live in Poland and Germany. As far as we know, it is in Poland that Belarusian anarchists closely co-operate with the local movement. Like all emigrants, they have problems with documents, learning the language, and finding a job. And some comrades have PTST. As for France, at the moment there are no comrades close to our group there. However, they may appear)
– How do you see the future? Do you think that the new US administration, lead by Trump, could bring to a viable peace? Right-wing, pro-Putin parties (like FpÖ in Austria, AfD in Germany, Lega in Italy and RN here in France, not to mention the Orban’s regime in Hungary and the Fico’s one in Slovakia) are gaining more and more power in UE countries. So, what kind of ceasefire could be possible? A real peace or a situation like before, this kind of “warm war” that crawls in Donbass since 2014, but within a larger part of Ukraine?
We would very much like this war to end quickly. It is quite possible that Trump will succeed in getting a peace agreement and ceasefire signed and we believe in the latter option rather than the former. Real peace requires a revolution in Russia and Belarus that will destroy the empire. Revolution not in terms of an armed coup and change of power, but as a mass process of profound change of the system of human values and socio-economic relations. A temporary ceasefire and a forced truce will not stop Russia in its plans to at least regain the territories it has held for the last 300 years, and at most to seize new ones. As for the US, Trump is the benchmark of a capitalist and businessman. The type of Western oligarch who will do everything for America (as a state machine and empire, not people). It is in his interest to subjugate Ukraine economically as much as possible (just like EU, Latin America or Middle East countries), it is in Russia’s interest to make Ukrainians slaves not only economically, but also spiritually and mentally. This is one of the differences between the two empires in this war. We would like to see Ukraine’s victory and the final crushing of the Kremlin, but looking at the facts realistically, we fear that the forecasts for the next few years do not look colourful. As much as Ukrainians would like it, we doubt that the return of the territories occupied after 2022, the LDNR and even more so Crimea is a matter of the next few years. The West was, to put it mildly, a bit late in realising what the Kremlin was all about, and with the military assistance that should have been given instantly. Now, after 3 years, when the situation has reached a stalemate, it is unlikely that anything will change. Well maybe Putin will choke to death on a caviar sandwich and then… :))))))
– What the West-European anarchists could do to help BUR anarchists? Would you have something to tell them?
Anarchists in Western Europe are having a hard time, governments are using the war to attack rights and freedoms, and any disloyalty is being presented as activity in the interests of Russia. Opportunities for illegal activity are being reduced and security measures are being strengthened. In these conditions, it is very difficult for anarchists who are forced to flee Russia and Belarus to obtain legal status, they are often denied asylum. Unfortunately, in most cases we cannot do without contacts with the state and legalisation, it is a long and complicated process, the support of comrades is very important. Help your comrades not just to settle in a new place, but to find their place in the struggle you are going through. It would be great if Western comrades did not watch Kremlin propaganda like RT, but seized and attacked yachts, mansions and offices belonging to Russian oligarchs in Europe. We know that such cases have occurred, but still they are not enough.
In addition, help is needed for Ukrainian anarchists at the front, as well as volunteers at the rear, they write about their combat work and what help is needed in several Telegram channels, Solidarity Collectives (@SolidarityCollectives) and GNIP (t.me/gnimperialpride). Unfortunately, we still have to explain to many Western comrades who do not know the political or historical context of the BUR how strong Russia’s imperial legacy is here. There is always the possibility to find out, to ask local comrades from the BUR why they are doing exactly this and how they are doing it. It is only in dialogue and mutual respect that comradely understanding can be achieved. In this connection it is important to treat the notion of ‘imperialism’ in a deeper and more versatile way, not fixating on Western brighteners. We also need constant material support for Belarusan anarchists in prison and their families. You can help by donating to the Belarusan ABC .
